Dear Editor, is constitutional reform a weapon of mass distraction by the Government? According to a wise old man, there is only one reason that pushes Meloni towards constitutional reform: she doesn’t want to do it. If she really wanted to, she should have taken the opportunity to soar, broadening her horizon and opening a table with the best right and left minds in the country. Instead, by throwing the issue of reforms under the carpet in this way, perhaps to divert attention from the budget law and the inadequacy of some ministers, she is only uniting the opposition against her, obtaining what she has always loved most: an enemy to fight. The only way to win the European elections and then perhaps give up, with any excuse, the insidious project. In a complex international scenario like the current one, can you imagine the German Chancellor or the French President talking about reforms?
«At the moment of maximum confusion, the maximum speed is to remain still», said Ciriaco De Mita, an old fox from the first Republic who was also trapped in the bicameral reform commission. Niet to the “mother of all reforms”, excluding the usual suspects, is also transversal, up to Giuliano Amato. So let’s get comfortable, because presumably at least two years of farce await us, given that the government doesn’t have the numbers to avoid a referendum that usually doesn’t go well. And the evils of the Council of Ministers in recent days are just the prologue. There are two essential points of the constitutional reform: the direct election, in a single round, of the prime minister for 5 years and the 55% majority bonus awarded at national level. Alcide De Gasperi tried and his was considered a fraudulent law. Finally, there is the so-called “anti-reversion” rule which aims, in the event of the resignation of the prime minister, for the head of state to “confer” the position to another parliamentarian linked to the same prime minister, in order to maintain a “ legislative horizon”.
The objective is to have no more technical governments (perhaps Meloni fears that the new Governor of the Bank of Italy, Fabio Panetta, could replace her at some point?) nor rainbows. Therefore, a strong framework is essential in anticipation of the Spring European elections and it is also thought that it is necessary to personalize the political struggle at this time of government weakness due to wars. Thus authorizing the usual “authorized” observers to speak of “Noantri Gaullism”. However, constitutional reform is a matter of balance and representation. Therefore, no games or tactical counterattacks: the issue is very serious. Some even say that Meloni’s reform is a measure to neutralize Calderoli’s reform on autonomies which, in fact, is the real time bomb on the Government and must, therefore, be deactivated. In fact, in a river session in the Senate on justice reform, some time ago President La Russa addressed a minister like this: “This is nothing, you have to see what will happen when Calderoli arrives.” “Differentiated autonomy in 2024” is the slogan of the minister of the Northern League without portfolio of Regional Affairs and Autonomies. A federal state adapted to northern Italy, with tax revenues that would no longer be distributed at national level.
But then, one of the two: central state with government or federal state? In both cases, Parliament, which according to the Constitution is the organ of political representation and democracy, effectively disappears. In fact, with the reform promoted by the center-right, it would only intervene if the directly elected prime minister resigned. But if the model of inspiration is that of the Regions, why not implement it to the end, returning to the polls if the prime minister falls? Then, there is the reduction of the role of the President of the Republic, relegated to a position of “notary” and stripped of several prerogatives, from the dissolution of the Chambers to the appointment of the Prime Minister – but not the ministers – and of the senators for life, the which is a real own goal. The implemented scenario is reward or death. What if, as prime minister, a Draghi came forward against Meloni? Or a brilliant young successful industrialist like Giovanni Ferrero who, in recent years, has spoiled the Italians by grabbing them by the throat? As many suggest, perhaps it would be appropriate to make laws that are considered useful and necessary by the people, for example a sound electoral law, without making it part of the Constitution. The tools to build a social debate and impact the lives of Italians are there. But above all, time is needed for true reform, perhaps of a presidential type. Ultimately this was the idea ab initio, the position of prime minister was just a placeholder. After all, it was an identity battle for the right, initiated by Giorgio Almirante. In the end, the direct election of the President of the Republic is perhaps what Italians really want. And Meloni could also say, once Mattarella’s term is over and this mess is put to rest: “There’s still a little more to try.” And if she doesn’t come across another prank since Halloween ends, she could end up at Colle herself. Without having to make Montesquieu turn over in his grave.
Source: IL Tempo
Emma Fitzgerald is an accomplished political journalist and author at The Nation View. With a background in political science and international relations, she has a deep understanding of the political landscape and the forces that shape it.
