Dear director, differentiated regional autonomy and the position of prime minister: if two great “mentors” such as Gianni Letta and Giuliano Amato – who have always been listened to by the President of the Republic Sergio Mattarella – and even by the Secretary of State of the Holy See Pietro Parolin asks questions about these issues, some questions must be asked. Barking at the moon does not bring any added value to the already heated debate, as it is undeniable that these reforms, so strongly desired, one by the League and the other by the Brothers of Italy, will overthrow the Italian constitutional system. With the position of Prime Minister, three articles of our Constitution will be modified, thus centralizing power in Palazzo Chigi. The matter, however, conflicts with Calderoli’s project, which has already received the first green light in the Senate in recent days. In fact, the reform signed by the Northern League on differentiated autonomy allows regions with ordinary status to request other forms of self-determination in matters exclusive to the State, such as health, education, transport, environment, energy and trade. pure external. In short, the principle of subsidiarity, already present in the Constitution, but elevated to the nth degree.
And everything suggests that, given the European elections, the League, which is in a voter crisis, wants to complete the process in the Chamber before June 9th so that it can launch the flag during the electoral campaign. So you want Ignazio La Russa to say: “Differentiated autonomy is fine, as long as the central State guarantees national identity. The two things go together.”
The political paradox is evident, since two reforms that represent a contradiction in terms cannot coexist. Furthermore, if the economic aspect does not also find a prominent place, the discussion will necessarily be incomplete. Will the new regional competencies be compatible with our international constraints and, above all, with national public finances? It will be interesting to see where the coverage for Italy’s “monstrous” public debt will be found. But let’s leave finances aside and try to do a theoretical exercise, pretending, for a moment, that the two reforms, still under analysis in Parliament, have already been approved. Let’s start with autonomy. In relation to Education, what will happen? Will each Governor decide pro tempore the educational programs of his Region? Who will decide, during history class, what students should study or even what topics should not be included in their study plan? Perhaps, in Sicily, we focus more on Giuseppe Garibaldi and less on Giuseppe Mazzini? In Piedmont, more about Cavour and less about the hero of two worlds?
Another thorny issue is that of Energy, especially today when we find ourselves in the middle of an unprecedented crisis in world history. Alcide De Gasperi, after having guaranteed democracy to the country with the Constitution, as a second act appointed Enrico Mattei commissioner of Agip, who not only did not liquidate the company, but transformed it into the great Eni. Both understood well how energy independence was essential to guarantee our democratic and industrial independence. With the differentiated autonomy reform, who will go to Algeria to look for gas, besides the Prime Minister and CEO of Eni, Claudio Descalzi? The presidents of the regions? And what will happen to the gas pipeline from Algeria to Sicily? Will the Sicilian Region Assembly decide whether to close or open the tap and supply gas to the rest of Italy? It will be popcorn in front of the TV to watch a television debate between the “southern” Renato Schifani and Gianfranco Miccichè on one side, and the “northern” Luca Zaia and Attilio Fontana on the other. And, still in energy, what will become of Enel from the golden Scaroni-Cattaneo couple? The process is the opposite of what happened in 1962, when it was nationalized precisely to give Italy a National Electricity Authority. And about Ilva, who and what will be decided? Will we give up on negotiations with Alcelor Mittal for the Puglia Region? How many roles, positions and tasks will multiply more than loaves and fishes, in the name of differentiated autonomy? If even a histrionic and centralizing regional president like Vincenzo De Luca spoke out against this reform, the government must have some doubts.
The best joke, after the autonomy vote, was made by Fiorello: «Differentiated autonomy? We are putting the South in the trash.”
Furthermore, with the “mother of all reforms”, the Prime Minister, what would happen, for example, to the head of State if, as president of the Superior Council of the Judiciary and the Supreme Defense Council, he did not want to endorse the decrees on war or on the clothes that the “super prime minister” should submit to him? Another beautiful mess. Which of the two would go home and how “strong” would the head of the Government feel invested in the popular vote? In essence, the two reforms are, de iure condendo, a constitutional oxymoron. To get out of the impasse, Meloni, with the government in difficulties on all sides, has only one way, as Il Tempo wrote eight months ago: win the European elections by a landslide and immediately go to the vote to underline his extraordinary leadership. in the country . And, at this point, perhaps leave aside these bizarre “do ut des” reforms and focus on the direct election of the President of the Republic, once the good Mattarella has completed his term. Even if it is true, as Meloni says, that “the final assessment of this marathon will be made in five years”, the Prime Minister is currently certain that his government with many unstable ministers, from Ciriani to Pichetto Fratin, from Zangrillo to Locatelli, will you get there? Or you risk ending up in unsorted waste.
Source: IL Tempo
Emma Fitzgerald is an accomplished political journalist and author at The Nation View. With a background in political science and international relations, she has a deep understanding of the political landscape and the forces that shape it.
