For the majority, this means “confirmation of Italy’s centrality” in Europe, in the eyes of Giorgia Meloni’s government. For the opposition, it means delegations for cohesion policy and the “show-off badge” with the Pnrr “given to little Portugal during Ursula Von der Leyen’s previous term”. Depending on the chosen perspective, the vice-presidency of the European Commission administration, now almost ex-minister Raffaele Fitto, may seem like a great political success for the Italian prime minister. Or a nod to Rome as a “founding country”, not to Meloni’s political values. For this author, von der Leyen’s choice represents both. It is a good thing for the prime minister, but not for Italy.

Meloni’s success

From the prime minister’s perspective, negotiations for a new EU Commission have been difficult from the start. As leader of the European conservative party ECR, Meloni has had to do his best to maintain good relations with the EPP party that von der Leyen and Manfred Weber had established during the first part of his term at Palazzo Chigi. The other two members of the so-called Ursula majority, which holds the reins of the executive and the EU Parliament, are rowing against the socialists and the liberals. Among European leaders, the most active in the effort to oust Meloni is French President Emmanuel Macron, because of the common goals of von der Leyen’s new team over sensitive economic portfolios.

In all this, Meloni tried to keep his foot in both shoes: on the one hand, he traced bridges with the EPP through minister Antonio Tajani (a leading figure in the European People’s Party). On the other hand, he openly acted as the leader of the right-wing opposition, so as not to be overwhelmed by the new Patriots of Viktor Orbán and Marine Le Pen in his own field. The most dramatic moment came at the end of June, a few weeks after the European elections, when the prime minister abstained from the EU Council vote to reaffirm von der Leyen. Although this seemed like a suicide move, in the long run Meloni got what he wanted: a vice presidency in the new Commission. And it was not a sure thing.

Smoke and roast

In fact, Fitto will be part of the inner circle of commissioners who are responsible for the direct management of a Directorate General (EU “ministries”) and the coordination of their colleagues with portfolios similar to his. The current minister will be looking after the issues he will be dealing with in Rome, cohesion policy (EU funds for the regions, so to speak) and the Pnrr. These are two investment lines worth around €1,000 billion in total, even if most of it has already been spent. But this high figure risks exaggerating the importance of the position: Fitto’s seat has so far been occupied by Portugal, together with Elisa Ferreira, and before that Romania. These are certainly not countries that have a significant weight in the EU balance.

The “outlaw” role

Moreover, managing cohesion policy does not mean deciding how these funds are spent: the allocation of EU resources to the regions is up to the leaders of the member states, not the Commission, and in any case, this was already decided years ago. Fitto will take on the role of “watchdog” over how this money is used by countries and regions (including those in southern Italy, which has always been among the most problematic) until 2027. For the next EU budget, which starts in 2028, the new commissioner’s role will be to work on the reform of cohesion policy. According to reports in Brussels for some time (and confirmed between the lines of the appointment letter sent to Fitto), von der Leyen wants to implement the Next Generation EU Pnrr model, that is, the provision of funds to countries in return for reforms agreed with the Commission. Some may see this as an attack on the sovereignty of states (and Italy). Meloni’s right-hand man will also be one of the architects of this reform.

Risks in Pnrr

A similar argument applies to the Pnrr, which expires in 2026. The EU Court of Auditors recently highlighted that EU governments have been experiencing serious delays in spending funds and implementing reforms. In von der Leyen’s letter, we read that Fitto will be responsible for the “complete and successful implementation” of these plans. A delicate task, given the current circumstances. Moreover, Fitto risks being left to fend for himself, given that he heads the Italian Pnrr as a minister. Perhaps that is precisely why the Commission President decided to support Valdis Dombrovskis in overseeing Next Generation EU: the Latvian, in his third consecutive term as Commissioner, knows the mechanics of the Berlaymont, the Commission’s house, and is known for his hawkish stance on the meticulousness and correct spending of public funds.

Draghi’s report

So far, two main delegations have been taken by Italy: the rest are secondary tasks to which Fitto has been invited to “contribute”, such as climate adaptation and social housing plans. When you look at the list of “tasks” given to the other vice presidents, the Italian commissioner’s seems quite minimal. And above all, one important element is missing: Mario Draghi’s competitiveness report. The document prepared by the former ECB president is referred to several times by von der Leyen in her appointment letters for the most important economic portfolios (but not in Fitto’s). It is known that the German wants to shape his second term around this document, along with the Green Deal.

Portfolios are heavily weighted towards anti-Spain, anti-France, anti-Italy hawks

The Draghi report will be dealt with primarily by the two vice presidents with the most extensive portfolios: the Spanish socialist Teresa Ribera (Fair, clean and competitive transition) and the French liberal Stéphane Séjourné (Industrial strategy). From cars to critical materials, from huge energy projects to digital, from artificial intelligence to the single market, from state aid to competition: the “ambassadors” of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez and President Macron will manage the heart of the EU’s economic measures. This includes the new Competitiveness Fund, where the $800 billion that Draghi called for in his report could be used to counter Europe’s deindustrialization in the face of competition from the US and China.

They will also be helped by the Dutch Climate Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra, who will particularly manage the Stability and Growth Pact, and the aforementioned Dombrovskis. Both of these commissioners will have a significant say in implementing the Draghi report and in directing all the enormous resources that will be made available to industry and small and medium-sized enterprises. The newspaper “Il Giornale” wrote about Dombrovskis some time ago that he is “obsessed with Italy and its debts”. Hoekstra, on the other hand, infuriated the entire Italian political spectrum in 2020, when, in the midst of the pandemic, he opposed the Recovery Fund as Dutch Finance Minister and invited Brussels to investigate our country’s accounts. Not very nice calling cards for Meloni. And for Italy in general.