Alberto Fernandez He is perceived as an optimist in a country of frustration. “Sometimes I feel like I’re the only one who wants to sow hope,” he said this week in a confessional tone. The next day he warned that “the facts show those who doubt that they doubt for no reason” and sang the old song in public. Lito will Who talks about finding “New Roads” Despite “So Much Pain And So Many Wounds”.

His speech takes on an almost prophetic tone as the prestige of management diminishes and his mentor, Christina KirchnerAre sending you obvious signals that He will not worship in front of his leadership, nor is he going to negotiate a cohabitation pact. Fernandez explains the president’s drama, which asks for faith from a parishioner who has fled the church.

A critical portrait of presidential loneliness is the electoral conspiracy that Kirchnerism is turning its back on, along with the interior minister. To Edward Peter, As one of his articulators. The dialogue camouflage reviewer travels the country in search of unifying peronism, including the former desertion of Christina’s train, for the 2023 battle.

He met with the permission of the Vice President Juan Manuel Urtubeiwith Luis Barionevo And other Peronists who are not part of the Frente de Todos. Talk to governors, mayors and legislators. And apply massive measures in practice “Mind Storm” Which Christina announced a few weeks ago in public denial of the Albertista government.

De Pedro is careful not to confront his official superior, the president, directly. But his movements are transparent. He missed the Fernandes’ Empowerment Act, drafted by the Uocra a week ago, to which all ministers had an “order” to go. One day later, he led a rally in Mendoza, which was overwhelmed by criticism from the government. He was accompanied by one of the managers Axel KitsiloProject on Support for Peronist Governors to expand members of the Supreme Court. In addition, he is a promoter of the idea of ​​creating A. Everyone at the National Leadership Front DeskWhich in practice will be very similar to the collegial management of the national administration.

Her role fits into Christina’s project that arranges something “Everyone on the front except Alberto”; Peron’s unity proposal, which he proposed as a way to overthrow the current government, from which he had already ostensibly distanced himself.

The vice-president and his son Maximo are working to defend the province of Buenos Aires, where talks have even begun with leaders close to Fernandes who have territorial weight, e.g. Juan Zabaleta and Gabriel Catopodis. De Pedro moves to the rest of the country, with an agenda that one of his interlocutors described as “noble”.

“Kirchnerism calls on everyone to compete for the best candidate and win in the best conditions”Explains the governor from the north, where de Pedro was present this Friday. The main tool is electoral disintegration so that the ruling Peronists can continue their continuity on dates other than the presidential definition. The “suggestion” of the vice-president is to wait for the picture to be clarified. Translated: Knowing whether there are options for Peronism to win the next turn in the Casa Rosada. He sees the impossible today.

If this situation continues, it will try to retain as much power as possible to oppose the reforms proposed by the final liberal-leaning government in the opposition, whether it be for change or not. Javier MileyIf the anti-system economist proposal wins.

Christina’s efforts go hand in hand with the attempt Horatio Rodriguez Laretta, Facundo Manes And other opposition leaders to open channels of negotiations with the Peronist governors to add them to the hypothetical draft of the 2023 amendment.

“Fighting is not just about winning. If there is no leadership after the final defeat, it could be a disaster for PeronismConfirms the source of the regular dialogue with the Kirchner family.

Modified roles

It’s funny how the roles changed. In 2019, the spring of his success, Alberto Fernandez toured the country promising to rely on governors and the CGT. The implicit message was that his presidency would allow the Peronists, who had lived in their shadow for 15 years, without the ability or courage to create an alternative, to get rid of the absolute leadership of the Kirchners. The illusion did not last long. Today it’s Christina offering the same actors help get rid of Alberto, Whose positive image cut the 20% floor. He promises them “leadership”, which is lacking in the vision of the main bosses of the front.

One of the rings of Christianity that not everyone believes in is that there will be freedom of action to participate in the presidential PASO. Some exhibit their “call to be” as Jorge Captain. Cristina encourages De Pedro himself – though he could be her man for Buenos Aires – and also shakes Kitsiloff. And yourself? He always says he does not care. Which his dismissal is not the same.

Fernandez perceives the consequences of the emptiness built around him. He made one of the provocative statements against Christina during a trip to Europe I pray for unity almost every day “Even though we think otherwise,” he said in the May 25 acts.

It was a bad week to test those who shunned him. The impact of the ruling, which acquitted him of a quarantine breach case in exchange for money in 2020, has revived the most uncomfortable picture of his mandate in public debate and severely undermined the credibility of his speech.

In a seemingly conciliatory tone, Fernandez released with praise and thanks Robert FeltSecretary of Internal Trade, who resigned due to disagreement with the price control policy.

This output was written by Christina after announcing that Fellet was going to report to the Minister of Economy. Martin Guzman. For the first time, Kirchner left the government and was replaced by Albert (Guillermo Hang, Guzman’s loyalist). The vice-president allowed. This is part of the strategy to not get stuck with the bad numbers of the economy. “He is tired of being singled out by Felt’s political boss on every inflation index,” they translate in his vicinity.

His decision is not to oust the government, but to openly express his disagreement with the economic course, which he thinks is too soft for “real power” and prone to adjustments, which will primarily affect his electoral base. It has no intention of leaving key positions in terms of political construction, such as Anses and PAMI, in the hands of the campors.. And he will continue to push for redistributive measures from Congress, even when he has not always been able to enact them. The point is to make a difference.

The president links his fate to the success that Guzman could have with inflation, in the very difficult context caused by the war in Ukraine, the acute social demands, and the demands of the agreement he signed with the state. International Monetary Fund (IMF). When he speaks to the governors, he insists on an encouraging message. Inflation will decrease, investments will flow as soon as macroeconomic goals are achieved and an increase in activity is felt on the street. “We can not miss this opportunity,” is the slogan he repeats ad nauseam. His specific version of Mauricio Macri’s “Second Semester”, which ended with a caricature of economic failure.

The ruling party is full of skepticism and caution. Those who have some power to care about a dose of closeness to Fernandes, listen to the siren songs of Christianity, and devise pragmatic strategies to follow what is in 2023. Very much in line with 21st century Peronism, where the instinct for survival is more developed than the ambition of leadership.

It is logical. It is difficult to make a choice when there is a struggle between a president with poor management results and a vice president who is proud of his power but unable to distort the fate of the government he invented to win the election, which he alone could not win.