The New York Times changes tack on Italy: “The end of the Draghi government is the triumph of democracy”

“The end of the Draghi government is the triumph of democracy, not a threat.” It is the judgment that appears in the New York Times in the opinion of Christopher Caldwell, journalist and author of books on immigration. The author takes a different reading of the crisis and asks whether it really is ‘populist’ to worry about how democratic a ‘technical government’ can be, one of the most used formulas in the history of Italian politics. The intervention takes place five days after David Broder’s, entitled “The future is Italy. And it is dark”, which provoked the indignation of the leader of the Brothers of Italy, Giorgia Meloni, of whom the New York newspaper had recalled the link with those nostalgic for fascism. Here the tones are more conciliatory.

“In one of its bulletins – writes Caldwell – JPMorgan described the parliamentary maneuvers that led to Draghi’s resignation a ‘populist coup'”. The New York Times columnist recalls the key role of the “pro-Persian” in the crisis, but also underlines the anomaly of Draghi’s role “as a symbol of democracy”: the fact that “no voter has ever chosen him.” “He was sworn in – he continues – to unlock a deadlock situation in early 2021. As respectable and capable as Draghi was, his resignation represents a triumph of democracy, at least as the word democracy is traditionally understood.” Italy’s problem, notes Caldwell, is that governments need two ‘masters’: the electorate and global financial markets. “Maybe it affects every country in the global economy, but it’s not how democracy is supposed to work.” With public debt exceeding 150 percent of gross domestic product, declining demographics and rising interest rates, “Italy is stuck in a European currency that cannot be devalued.” Over the decades, Italian politics have often clung to technical governments like Draghi’s, which “asked for great sacrifices” but “listened less” to the needs of citizens.

«The electorate – reads the liberal daily – seems to have become populist in a lasting way. The 2018 elections represented the third biggest political upheaval after Brexit and Donald Trump’s victory in 2016.” The then Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, in the midst of the pandemic, “enjoyed great popularity”, but neither the European Union nor the Roman establishment trusted him, namely with regard to the possibility of spending the 200 billion euros of the recovery fund. . “But what is Draghi’s credibility? – continues the author – in a democracy, credibility comes from the popular mandate. In a technical government with a connection to the bankers and the whole establishment. In this case, it is unclear whether democracy is asking financial institutions for help or if financial institutions have put democracy in a corner.”

Meanwhile, the fate of European funds is at stake. Italy has so far received only 46 billion of the promised 200. The European Union wants dozens of reforms so that all projects are financed. “Europe, for example – explains Caldwell – wanted Italian beaches to be open to competition. Reform advocates call families who have run the beaches for generations ‘monopolists’. Opponents, starting with Matteo Salvini, retorted that a ‘monopolist’ would be better suited to international hotel chains that have swept away small businesses». Transport liberalization is also an issue close to the heart of the European Union, as is Uber’s entry into a market where, according to the New York Times, a taxi ride from central Milan to Malpensa airport can cost hundred euros. Many reforms had to be passed by the end of the year and Draghi’s demise “is no coincidence”, but – is the opinion’s conclusion – if with Draghi money could have been found to save his country, there is nothing ‘populist’. ‘ or ‘pro-utinian’ or irrational in worrying about the consequences for democracy.

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