30 years ago, Mexico was torn between “modernity” and conflict. Among the promises of the political discourse of the time was Mexico’s entry into the First World through trade opening and economic liberalization, which was synthesized with the entry into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
During the administration from 1988 to 1994, the Constitution underwent profound reforms and the main articles that structured the discourse of the Mexican Revolution were changed: Articles 3, 4, 27 and Article 130, under which educational programs are coordinated. systems were changed, the multicultural character of the Mexican nation was recognized, the system of land tenure was changed and gave way to a new logic of relations between state and church.
However, the country’s modernization discourse was completely confronted by the Zapatista uprising; these are the “silent ones,” as Subcommander Marcos then called them, and through which the historical grievances accumulated in a country that sought to operate under the auspices of an almost unified discourse, and under the idea of \u200b\u200bpretending to be “one nation”, “one culture”, “one vision of Mexico” were expressed “
Less than three months later, political violence claimed the life of Luis Donaldo Colosio; and a few months later, the story of José Francisco Ruiz Massier, a saga that lasted until the disappearance of the then deputy Manuel Muñoz Rocha.
30 years ago, Mexico was very close to one of the greatest economic crises in living memory, which would have plunged almost 60% of the population into income poverty, and how then, coupled with a context of deep inequality, the structural conditions that allow the exclusion of millions remain virtually intact : regressive tax regime; an economy that is unable to grow sufficiently and sustainably; social policies without capacity that have failed to curb income concentration; and a political regime that has not yet consolidated itself as a full-fledged democracy capable of achieving consensus in a context of pluralism and diversity.
The coming year should be seen as an opportunity to synthesize the accumulated knowledge and, on its basis, propose genuine reconciliation in a country where a single vision is not expected to be imposed and where we can live together, but, above all, each of us can contribute to the construction of a nation capable of formulating a new course of development , aimed at equality and the universal enjoyment of human rights.
Over the past three decades, there have been three changes in the government of the Republic, and today Coahuila is the only entity in the Republic where one political party has ruled over the past 100 years. Unlike in 1994, the nation’s urban system has been radically transformed, and our population has grown from 89 million to the 130 million we have today.
Migration, violence and the pernicious presence of organized crime are new variables in a turbulent national scenario; And all this goes hand in hand with a process of democratic fracture, with political parties facing their worst crisis since the slow and incomplete transition to democracy that began in 1968.
As in 1994, Mexico will hold elections in which it will again be proposed to consolidate the transsexual project, which promises to lead the country onto the path of progress and general well-being; peace, justice and eradication of corruption. As then, the executive branch appears to control all variables; and therefore we should not forget that, to paraphrase Marx, in those days everything that seemed solid dissolved into air.
Compared to the past three decades, another radical difference that will shape the course of the country is that, whatever happens, we will have a female federal chief executive for the first time; a problem that is not insignificant and which opens up a historic opportunity to move much more quickly towards full equality between women and men.
Thus, there are several lines of continuity, but also several paths of possible transformation; along with extremely troubling aspects that could further undermine the state’s ability to guarantee order, security and justice, such as the widespread presence and predominance of organized crime in large areas of the country, which paradoxically occurs during a period of greatest militarization of public life in Mexico.
For this reason, it is essential that the debates of the campaign already underway can focus on the central issues of charting a new course for the country, and this includes multiple and complex agendas that address problems and historical gaps. synthesized, but also others that are unprecedented in both their scope and consequences. One of the most important is the creation of a civilian bureaucracy, which today is subject to the logic of military power.
Indeed, climate change, migration and transnational organized crime are among the planetary challenges that Mexico must move very quickly and effectively to address in the coming months and years; within the country, the most pressing problems are the reconstruction of the national health and education systems; It will be necessary to build a new federalism that will cope with the complexity of cities, as well as the territorial dispersion and depopulation of rural areas; A new people-centred logic of public and civil safety is urgently needed, and agreements for a new progressive tax system must be urgently worked out.
As was the case 30 years ago, the country is debating whether to build a permanent process to improve the living conditions of Mexicans; and therefore we must admit, to paraphrase Neruda, that Neither we nor the country have been the same since then.
*Researcher PUED-UNAM.
Source: Aristegui Noticias
John Cameron is a journalist at The Nation View specializing in world news and current events, particularly in international politics and diplomacy. With expertise in international relations, he covers a range of topics including conflicts, politics and economic trends.
