AMLO-Claudia: Transsexual impunity | Article by Hector Tajonar

Why is López Obrador determined to consolidate and extend the authoritarian presidential regime he has imposed if he is no longer going to hold office on October 1?

I see two main reasons. The first, open and explicit, is to ensure the continuity of 4T through its likely successor. Second, hidden and actual, is to have a guarantee absolute impunity against possible investigations or proceedings of alleged corruption; against him, as well as his family, friends, associates and accomplices.

His obsession with perpetuating himself in power is unquestionable, the problem is how he intends to achieve this and with what consequences.

The constitutional reforms proposed by the President were formally integrated into the government project of Claudia Sheinbaum, whose first order as a Morenoist candidate on March 1 was to force hundreds of her party’s candidates for the federal Congress to sign a letter committing vote “without reservations” on all reforms contained in the so-called “Plan C.”. The legislative objection was signed.

Unlimited, unambiguous support; Macuspano does not like half measures: “either you are with me or you are against me.” In addition to the signed submission, the anointed one must feel that he is being monitored for possible deviations from “continuity with change.” Responsible for this are Cesar Yáñez and Alejandro Esquer, two of the coach’s loyal followers.

As seen after her appearance as Morena’s official candidate, she adopted a presidential communications strategy. The same hundred-point structure, the same tone, the same demagoguery; scenographic waste and client logistics to fill the Zocalo now that the National Flag has been raised and the National Palace has been freed from its three-meter-high steel fences.

All this in order to simulate an inauguration instead of the start of a campaign and at the same time confirm the autocrat’s ownership over the national flag, the Constitution Square, the palace in which he resides, the “people” and of course the fourth present and future transformation. Inheritance at its best: it’s mine, and I’ll do whatever it takes to keep it that way.

How far will López Obrador’s intervention go to ensure candidate Morena wins the election, and what happens if the citizen vote does not go in her favor?

Democratic uncertainty about who will win the June 2 presidential election is accompanied by growing unrest caused by the electoral authoritarianism implemented by the 4T regime. The political-electoral panorama is becoming more sparse every day; polarization is radicalizing to unprecedented and dangerous extremes. The President, with the support of his anointed one, speaks of the possibility of a technical coup d’etat planned by the opposition in order not to recognize the triumph of the standard-bearer of the Let’s Make History coalition.

In a display of extraordinary political irresponsibility, Mexico’s head of state has expressed the danger that electoral authorities are inclined to attack the laws that govern them in order to overthrow the constitutional order. The President’s accusation is erroneous and unacceptable because, as the highest executive, he represents, presides over and bears primary responsibility for ensuring compliance with the Magna Carta, the functioning of democratic institutions and the integrity of elections.

Anticipating an unfavorable outcome in the election, the President does the opposite as part of his strategy to ensure Claudia Sheinbaum’s victory at any cost. His delusions and delusions are based on the possibility of victory by a margin of less than 5%, which can be contested, or that Xochitl Galvez will win. On the anti-government side, voices are emerging that predict a popular uprising or a state of emergency in the event of election results unfavorable to the 4Ts. Such extremism is contrary to the democratic spirit and health, and also threatens the stability of the nation.

The demagogue cleverly imputes the concept of a technological revolution to the INE and the Electoral Court, being the one who plans to use it if necessary. This is why he insisted on destroying the autonomy of the electoral authorities, as well as the independence of the INAI and the Supreme Court, through Plan C.

The condition for the approval of this reactionary project is the victory of its candidate and obtaining a qualified majority in Congress. This does not depend on the will of the president, but his tricks can help him. Otherwise, they are ready to snatch it.

López Obrador refuses to even think about admitting defeat in the elections because it would mean that he and his people could be held accountable for the corruption crimes that have multiplied at the heart of the fourth transformation; Rot fills the bowels of the National Palace. This scares him and he is willing to do whatever it takes to avoid it.

Therefore, the priority and greatest concern of the unbreakable AMLO-Claudia binomial is to ensure transsexual impunity for the 4T oligarchy. Remove from the face of justice the corruption committed by the civilian and military elite surrounding the President, as has happened during this six-year period of simulation and unprecedented opacity. Covering up this rotten legacy is the most sinister burden López Obrador wants to inherit from Sheinbaum.

Since taking office, the populist demagogue has acknowledged that corruption is Mexico’s biggest problem and has committed to eradicating it. His false fight against corruption represents López Obrador’s greatest political and moral defeat, and the resounding failure of the fourth transformation. Unpunished corruption reveals the true face of the despot and demonstrates his great betrayal of Mexico, as he became a blind and silent accomplice to large-scale corruption practiced with complete cynicism and impunity by his relatives, employees and partners.

In addition, he served as a cover for his predecessor. To do this, he orchestrated two of his government’s greatest farces: consultations on whether former presidents should be tried and the trial of Emilio Lozoya. Added to this is what I have called the “narco-corruption triangle,” in which organized crime, the military elite, and the executive branch are allegedly colluding. General’s Case Cienfuegos is part of this swamp, as complex as it is harmful.. Militarization is another catastrophic legacy of the ultimate leader of authoritarian regression. Depressed, her candidate denies the evidence; The order is to consolidate it, not reverse it.

What to do in the face of this desert panorama? There are three factors that could have avoided the democratic collapse and transsexual impunity caused by the (so far) unbreakable AMLO-Claudia binomial.

The continued autonomy of electoral and judicial institutions, as well as the responsibility and patriotism of those who compose them; the rule of law, even if weakened; and, above all, the strength and democratic conviction of citizens who have yet to express their power in elections.

Let us remember that the insatiable thirst for power that plagues Lopez Obrador has an insurmountable obstacle – the fundamental commandment proposed by Madero: “Effective suffrage, without re-election.” Article 83 of the Constitution limits the office of the President of the Republic to six years: “…under no circumstances and for any reason may he again occupy this office.”

Re-election experiences in Mexican history have had unfavorable or tragic results: Juarez’s Three, Diaz’s Seven, and Obregón’s failed attempt. Aleman tried an “extension” to avoid using the prohibited concept of re-election, but everything remained an unfulfilled dream. López Obrador has also resorted, so far unsuccessfully, to legal tricks such as “mandate extension” to prolong his stay in office.

Therefore, most likely, it will try to impose Maximatuslike the one Calles used, is considered the creator of the political system of post-revolutionary Mexico, from which López Obrador learned the vile art of fraud and simulation in which he is an expert today.

One of the golden rules of this peculiar political regime was to ensure the continuation of unpunished corruption at the top of power, which was and remains the oil that allows the government apparatus to function. Concealing past corruption allowed and facilitated current corruption.

This made possible the unity of the revolutionary family and the regime, despite internal divisions and divisions. Even after the change of government, the PAN faced the dilemma of the political paralysis that Fox suffered or the joint government with the PRI that Calderon chose (who ended up in the arms of Gordillo and García Luna).

From the point of view of corruption, this flaw in continuity resulted in a painful paradox: impunity became a condition for governability. Either you get in line, or I will support you in front of the owners.

The shameful practice of ensuring impunity for the outgoing president in order to allow the new president to fully engage in unpunished corruption continues to bear rotten fruit, as evidenced by the impunity pact concluded by Lopez Obrador with Pena Nieto.

Covering up the outgoing president’s corruption will be one of the most shameful and difficult legacies for the winner of the presidential race, whoever he may be. In the case of Claudia Sheinbaum, transsexual impunity is an essential requirement for access to power and an inevitable condition of governability. What a burden, including the revocation of the mandate.

Source: Aristegui Noticias

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